This paper presents a spatial analysis of political competition in
Taiwan in an effort to explore the role of conflict displacement in
the process of democratic transition. In recent elections, a new
cleavage on socioeconomic justice has emerged as a salient political
issue in Taiwan, crosscutting the traditional cleavage on national
identity. The authors first trace the historical trajectory of regime
transition in order to provide a structural explanation of such a
displacement of conflicts. Using data from the 1992 General Survey on
Social Changes designed primarily by the authors for the Institute of
Ethnology of Academia Sinica, they then present the results of a
spatial analysis. The empirical findings confirm that socioeconomic
justice together with national identity are the defining dimensions of
the latent ideological space in which political competition takes
place. The authors argue that, because of the availability of the new
issue, political elites in Taiwan are undertaking a partisan
realignment in both electoral and legislative politics, a process the
authors consider conducive to both the transition to democracy and the
consolidation of the new regime.
In 1991 Germany extended unilateral diplomatic recognition to
Croatia and Slovenia in direct contravention of the preferences of its
EC partners. In the context of Germany's postwar history of
multilateralism in foreign policy, this was an unprecedented decision.
As a case of defection from international cooperation, it requires
explanation. This article explains how the German preference for
recognition was formed and why Germany acted unilaterally when its
partners had moved to adjust their policies to coordinate them with
Germany's preferences. Defection from cooperation in this case is best
explained as a two-level game: the source of Germany's preference for
diplomatic recognition of these republics is traced to domestic
political factors; its unilateral action is traced to regime
weaknesses leading to negotiating failures in a changing
post-cold war international environment.
China -- Politics and government -- 1976- -- Public opinion.
China -- Social conditions -- 1976- -- Public opinion.
Public opinion -- China.
Abstract:
A 1990 national sample survey shows that the Chinese population was
concerned with issues relating to reform, economic and social
grievances, and democracy. Although neither political issues nor
social cleavages were the same as in the West, the same dynamics
affected the process of ideological alignment. Social position and
cognitive sophistication help explain why members of the population
hold liberal or conservative attitudes.
Soviet Union -- Politics and government -- 1917-1936.
Social networks -- Political aspects.
Abstract:
The article contends that personal networks may facilitate
state-building efforts under postrevolutionary conditions. With the
breakdown of formal political structures, personal networks provide an
informal social structure along which information may be exchanged,
resources may be allocated, and collaborative activities may be
planned. To demonstrate this argument, the article returns to the case
of Soviet Russia. Using newly available archival sources, the case
study shows how informal personal networks intersected with formal
political organizations to develop a capacity for territorial
administration in the decade following the civil war. The article
concludes by suggesting answers to larger questions concerning the
success of Soviet state building, the subsequent collapse of the
Soviet state, and the implications for comparative state-building
theory.
The Hungarian transition from socialism stands out from other
examples of political change in the region, in that the ruling
Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (MSZMP) suffered an erosion of
political power generated largely from within the party itself. The
study shows how the Communist Party, after its destruction in the
revolution of 1956, sought to institutionalize its rule through a
course of limited liberalization and the broad co-optation of the
populace. This policy helped create a tacit social compact with
society, particularly in co-opting younger intellectuals who
identified with the goals of reform socialism. However, the party
eventually marginalized this group, creating an internal party
opposition that supported socialism but opposed the MSZMP.
Consequently, when the limits of Hungarian reform socialism became
evident in the mid-1980s, rank-and-file intellectuals within the party
began to mobilize against the party hierarchy, seeking to transform
the MSZMP into a democratic socialist party. These "reform circles,"
drawing their strength primarily from the countryside, spread to all
parts of the party and helped undermine central party power and expand
the political space for opposition groups to organize. Eventually, the
reform circles were able to force an early party congress in which the
MSZMP was transformed into a Western-style socialist party prior to
open elections in 1990.
The case is significant in that it indicates that the forms of
transition in Eastern Europe were not simply the specific outcome of
elite interaction. Rather, they were shaped in large part by the
patterns of socialist institutionalization found in each country.
Therefore, studies of political transition can be enriched with an
explicit focus on the institutional characteristics of each case,
linking the forms of transitions and their posttransition legacies to
the institutional matrix from which they emerged. In short, the study
argues that the way in which an autocratic order perpetuates itself
affects the manner in which that system declines and the shape of the
new system that takes its place.