Sociology, Military -- Study and teaching (Higher).
Abstract:
Political science attends to causes and consequences of war but only
fitfully welcomes study of its conduct, because few grasp how much the
dynamics of combat shape politics. Bernard Brodie called for development
of strategic studies on the model of the discipline of economics, because
neither the military nor academia treated the subject rigorously. His call
was answered in the early cold war, with mixed results. Theories about
nuclear deterrence burgeoned while empirical studies of war lagged. The
late-cold war impasse in nuclear strategy, rooted in nato doctrine,
shifted attention to conventional military operations and empirically
grounded theory. Since the cold war, research on general theoretical
questions about war and peace has been prospering, but education in
military matters has been eroding. Interdisciplinary strategic studies
integrate political and military elements of international conflict,
but there is no recognized discipline of military science; military
analysis is smuggled into political science and history departments,
where it is resisted by calls to conceptualize security broadly or focus
on purely theoretical work. If serious military studies are squeezed out
of universities, there will be no qualified civilian analysts to provide
independent expertise in policy and budget debates, and decisions on
war and peace will be made irresponsibly by uninformed civilians or by
the professional military alone.
Huntington, Samuel P. Political development and political decay.
Institutions (Philosophy) -- Political aspects.
Abstract:
Research on the less industrialized regions of the world has
undergone major changes in terms of theoretical rigor, methodological
sophistication, and the diversification of analytical approaches since the
publication of Samuel P. Huntington's essay, "Political Development and
Political Decay," in World Politics in 1965. Yet more than three
decades later, comparativists are rediscovering political institutions,
highlighting the originality of Huntington's scholarly contribution. The
resurgence of institutional analysis has redirected attention to the
potential variability of political outcomes in the face of sweeping global
currents, generated important theoretical insights, and created new
bases for dialogue across disparate research traditions. Nevertheless,
the horizons of institutional research need to be broadened to address
the challenges posed by international influences, two-way interactions
between politics and society, and institutional fluidity.
The economic logic of the current international economy does not
predict the "eclipse of the state." Economic globalization does restrict
state power, but transnational capital needs capable states as much or
more than does domestically oriented business. National success in the
current global political economy has been associated not with minimal
states but with states that are capable, active, and engaged. Pressure
for eclipse flows from the conjunction between transnational economic
forces and the political hegemony of an Anglo-American ideology
that, in J. P. Nettl's words, "simply leaves no room for any valid
notion of the state." Even this combination of economic and political
pressure is unlikely to eclipse the state, but it is likely to put
public institutions on the defensive, eclipsing any possibility of the
"embedded liberalism" described by John Ruggie. A "leaner, meaner" state
is the likely outcome. The possibility of a more progressive alternative
outcome would depend in part on whether current zero-sum visions of the
relation between the state and civil society can be replaced by a more
synergistic view.
Lijphart, Arend -- Contributions in political science.
Lakatos, Imre -- Contributions in political science.
Political science -- Research.
Abstract:
Arend Lijphart's 1969 article on consociational democracy was
a compelling critique of prevailing theories of democratic stability
and the launching pad for one of the most widely regarded research
programs in contemporary comparative politics. However, Lijphart and
others who adopted consociational approaches encountered severe logical,
theoretical, and empirical criticisms of their work. The success of the
program and its apparent imperviousness to many of these attacks has
been remarkable. Lijphart's primary response was to abandon standard
norms of social science in favor of an "impressionistic" approach that
protected the attractiveness and wide applicability of the theory at
the cost of precision and scholarly rigor. The overall trajectory of
the consociationalist research program is explained with reference
to a shift from early- to late-Lakatosian commitments--from insisting
on corroboration for one's theories through repeated encounters with
evidence to a late-Lakatosian stance that expects the political and
rhetorical skills of scholars operating on behalf of their research
program to be more significant than evidence or theoretical coherence.
Kuhn, Thomas S. -- Contributions in political science.
Comparative government.
Technology and state.
Abstract:
Inspired by a seminal essay of Albert O. Hirschman, as well as
by the ongoing debate on the empirical foundations of social science,
this article "revisits" (1) the paradigm concept popularized by
T. S. Kuhn in the 1960s and (2) the relationship between probabilistic
and "possibilistic" modes of theorizing that has acquired renewed
relevance in comparative politics mainly with respect to recent
theories of democratization and development. It does so by reviewing
three major paradigm crises in modern political science: the shift from
the Aristotelian polis to the social "system," the refocusing
of political explanations from the social to the global environment,
and the contemporary attempts to reevaluate the role of technology in
political change. The review takes stock of the record of the discipline
of comparative politics, of opportunities provided by paradigm shifts,
seized upon or missed by the discipline. It also allows one to seek
a more even balance between the potential utility and limitations of
the paradigm concept, while at the same time pointing to the perils of
divorcing the art of the possible from the laws of probability.
Krasner, Stephen D., 1942-. State power and the structure of international trade.
World politics.
Abstract:
Stephen D. Krasner's article in this journal in 1976, "State Power
and the Structure of International Trade," defined the agenda for years
of scholarship by being both lucid and problematic. Krasner presented
a clear puzzle but manifestly failed adequately to answer the questions
that he raised. His key proposition, that strong international economic
regimes depend on hegemonic power, was supported by only half of the six
cases that he discussed. Yet the cogency of Krasner's formulation of the
argument, and the pungency of his rhetoric, led "State Power" to serve as
a focal point in a coordination game among three major constituencies in
the international political economy field. Liberal transnationalists,
statist realists, and their audiences all benefited from Krasner's
lucid specification of the issues. As a result of research prompted by
Krasner's article, we understand the relationship between international
political structure and economic openness much better than we did before
it appeared.
Jervis, Robert, 1940-. Cooperation under the security dilemma.
National security.
International relations.
Abstract:
Robert Jervis's article "Cooperation under the Security Dilemma"
is among the most important in international relations in the past
few decades. Nevertheless, relatively little effort has been devoted to
examining its core logic, some of which was left incomplete by Jervis. The
most important gaps concern whether and how the security dilemma operates
between rational actors. The first section of this article closes
some of these gaps. The second section argues that two nonstructural
variables--the extent of the adversary's greed and the extent of the
adversary's unit-level knowledge of the state's motives--influence the
magnitude of the security dilemma. The final section addresses basic
criticisms of the security dilemma, including the empirical claim that
greedy states are the key source of international conflict, that the
security dilemma does not really exist, and that offense-defense theory
is flawed. I conclude that only the greedy-states criticism poses a
serious challenge.